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The Muslim Injustice System : Two Sets of Laws & the US’s Double Standards

It’s sometimes easy — too easy — to think, talk or write about the assault on civil liberties in the United States, and related injustices, and conceive of them as abstractions. Two weeks ago, the Editorial Page Editor of The New York Times, Andrew Rosenthal, wrote that ever since the 9/11 attacks, the United States has created ‘what’s essentially a separate justice system for Muslims.’ That should be an extraordinary observation: creating a radically different — and more oppressive — set of rules, laws and punishments for a class of people in the United States based on their religious affiliation is a disgrace of historic proportion. Yet here we have someone occupying one of the most established media positions in the country matter-of-factly observing that this is exactly the state of affairs that exists on American soil, and it prompts little notice, let alone protest.


There are many factors accounting for the willingness to tolerate, or even approve of, this systematic persecution, most of which I’ve written about before. But one important reason I want to highlight here is that — as is true of America’s related posture of endless wars — its victims, by design, are so rarely heard from. As is true for most groups of humans who remain hidden, they are therefore easily demonized. This invisibility also means that even those who object in principle to what is being done have difficulty apprehending in a visceral way the devastation that is wreaked in the lives of these human beings who have done nothing wrong. Their absence from our discourse can confine one’s understanding of these issues to the theoretical realm, and thus limit one’s ability to truly care.

I spent the last week traveling to several cities where, without planning to do so, I met dozens of people whose lives have been seriously impeded or fully wrecked by the abuses carried out in the name of the War on Terror. This happens whenever I travel to speak at events, and it’s one of the reasons I do it. Meeting such people isn’t the reason for my travel. These meetings usually are unplanned. But the decade-long abuses carried out in the post-9/11 era are so pervasive, so systematized, that no matter what city I visit, it’s very common for me to end up meeting people — usually though not always Muslims — whose lives have been unjustly and severely harmed by these state actions.

And it’s not only the targeted individuals themselves, but entire communities of people, whose lives are substantially damaged. Being able to meet and speak with people directly affected personalizes the issues for me that are most frequently written about here, and so I want to describe several of those encounters I had just in the last week.

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Posted by on April 19, 2012 in News Items

 

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The Intelligence Factory: How America Makes its Enemies Disappear

When I first read the U.S. government’s complaint against Aafia Siddiqui, who is awaiting trial in a Brooklyn detention center on charges of attempting to murder a group of U.S. Army officers and FBI agents in Afghanistan, the case it described was so impossibly convoluted—and yet so absurdly incriminating—that I simply assumed she was innocent.

According to the complaint, on the evening of July 17, 2008, several local policemen discovered Siddiqui and a young boy loitering about a public square in Ghazni. She was carrying instructions for creating “weapons involving biological material,” descriptions of U.S. “military assets,” and numerous unnamed “chemical substances in gel and liquid form that were sealed in bottles and glass jars.”

Siddiqui, an MIT-trained neuroscientist who lived in the United States for eleven years, had vanished from her hometown in Pakistan in 2003, along with all three of her children, two of whom were U.S. citizens. The complaint does not address where she was those five years or why she suddenly decided to emerge into a public square outside Pakistan and far from the United States, nor does it address why she would do so in the company of her American son.

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Posted by on February 14, 2012 in Flashback, News Items

 

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Canada Welcomes War Criminal While Turning Away the Victim of His Crimes

Moazzam Begg spends much of his life these days in airports and on flights, travelling the world speaking about human rights and his experience as a Guantanamo detainee.

The author of a book about his experience, Enemy Combatant: My Imprisonment at Guantanamo, Bagram, and Kandahar, Begg was arrested in Pakistan and held at several US detention facilities abroad from 2002 until 2005 by the US government under the Bush Administration. He was never charged with any offence.

Moazzam had planned a 14-day trip to Canada to meet with Maher Arar and Abdullah Almalki, two Canadians rendered to Syria where they were brutally tortured. He had also hoped to meet with the family and legal team of Omar Khadr, the only Canadian child prisoner still held in Guantanamo. Begg met Omar in the US detention facility in Bagram, Afghanistan, in 2002.

However the 42-year-old from Birmingham was denied entry to Canada at the Montreal airport Sunday on the grounds that his name is on a US no-fly list and because he has admitted, after torture and abuse by the Bush Administration, to being a former member of al Qaeda and the Taliban.

It was the second time in six months that Begg, director of a British human rights group, Cageprisoners, has attempted to come to Canada. Air Canada previously stopped him from boarding a flight from London bound for Toronto in May because of concerns the flight could be diverted to the US, he was told.  Read the rest of this entry »

 
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Posted by on October 15, 2011 in News Items

 

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Zakaria Amara: June 13, 2008 (First Words)

In the Name of Allah the Most Merciful the Most Compassionate

Bismillahir Rahman Nir raheem

Two years have passed since my arrest. When I was taken to Maplehurst I was held in the custody of the Institutional Crisis Intervention Team. Whenever I was moved from place to place, they would force me to run with my hands and legs shacked while my back was bent at 90 degrees forward.

When I was first brought to cell 1 unit 1K, I was slammed face first on the floor, a huge shield was then pressed against my back while a guard smeared my face with his boots because I dared lift my head.

Whenever I was moved out of my cell, I was required to slide my hands through the hatch of the door, before it was opened in order to be hand cuffed. To do this I had to kneel on both knees. Many times when I put my hands through the hatch, the guards would forcefully pull my wrists so that my forehead would slam against the metal door.

Whenever the guards came in to collect the garbage they would often apply wrestling manoeuvres on me for the purpose of entertaining themselves. They would sometimes apply pressure on sensitive areas such as my temple and fingers. One day when I came back from court, a guard twisted my hands above my head forcing me to skip on one foot back to my cell.

Since then I have languished in solitary confinement, where for the first year on a daily basis, I spent 23 hours and 40 minutes in a cell no bigger than an apartment’s washroom.

The 23 hours and 40 minutes became a complete 24 hours when I was transferred to the Don Jail. Since then, I have seen the sun less than 10 times and have gone to the exercise yard less than 30 times.

My health, psychologically and physically is deteriorating. I was planning to testify at my trial but now I am not even sure if I will be mentally capable of doing so by the time it comes around, if it ever does.

As for the state of this so called Judicial Process, then I must admit I was naïve. I came in two years ago with the expectation of transparency only to be confronted with section 38, complete denial of CSIS disclosure, censorship of vital information in the so-called RCMP disclosure, and the concealing of state agents identities which by law must be revealed as opposed to informants whose identities are protected.

To expect the accused to mount an adequate defence in the face of such barriers, in a case which is political and state entrapment is a live issue, is to expect a frail old man to defend himself with his hands tied behind and eyes blindfolded, against a professional boxer.

I am not being subjective. I realize that all government agencies have secrets that must be protected. However, authorities have in the past used ‘National Security’ to cover up their dirty work, exculpatory evidence and embarrassing facts. The Maher Arar case is a classic example.

Last year, I was denied the freedom to mix with the other human beings due to the dreamed up danger that I could somehow pose or communicate from within a six-cell block, monitored physically by correctional officers as well as virtually by closed circuit cameras, within a maximum security prison.

During about the same time, I conceded committal to trial for the exchange of having the opportunity to cross-examine a list of witnesses agreed upon by the crown. Both parties signed this agreement yet somehow, we are to believe, there was some alleged ambiguity that allowed the crown to file a direct indictment and effectively breach its undertaking. Now I am in a difficult position of having to cross-examine the main witness in my case, for the first time, at trial.

The unfair manoeuvre has also effectively robbed me of the ability to discover my case, which is a fundamental necessity for developing my defence. This is not an alleged bank robbery or a drug bust. The stakes for the government and the authorities are high thus making the potential for corruption and malice equally high if not higher.

During the adult preliminary, Mr. Bond used to monitor our eye blinks in the prisoner box to ensure that we were not violating the communication ban. While he was busy doing that, his star witness Mubin Shiekh was slaughtering the publication ban on National and international airwaves.

The crown held and is still holding the accused on various charges based on the desire to exaggerate this case and in order to hamper their bail chances and not on the merits of evidence.

These are only some of the main issues that I have. They may very well be supported by law, but at the end of the day, they remain unfair to any mind endowed with the faculty of reason and understanding. As St. Augustine said: “An unjust law is no law at all”.

I never asked anyone to believe that I was innocent. All I ever asked for was a chance to prove it. After two years, I have come to realize that even this simple request is too much to expect from this process.

In conclusion, to continue to respect such a process is an insult to my dignity, the very little intellect that I have and my faith.

I will God willing, continue to defend myself through my lawyers, and I will continue to obey orders made by the court with the exception of the order to show it respect since I can’t be expected to give what I no longer have. This, in effect, means that I will no longer stand up for any judge as he/she enters and leaves the courtroom.

Based of the rhythm of the past two years, I have extrapolated the tune of the coming two years, and I’m not willing to be the fool that dances to it.

God willing, the complete and undistorted truth about the ‘Toronto18′ will one day surface.

Zakaria Amara
Accused in Toronto18 case
Don jail

 
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Posted by on June 13, 2008 in Letters from Zakaria Amara, Risala

 

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